The book contains an article from Business Week claiming that most government incentives are perverse—propping up inefficiencies that the market in all its wisdom would have eliminated long ago, and therefore dragging down productivity and limiting prosperity for everyone. The author bemoans that a crop subsidy may keep “the family farm alive, but [it] reduces the incentive to raise the yield per acre, thus increasing the price of food for everyone. (p. 75)” Further, the government not only imposes such an insidious effect on food prices, but then it actively discourages the productivity gains that somehow manage to occur in other sectors, by taxing the consequent increases in profitability. If only government could realize that is has everything bass ackwards, reverse course and start rewarding productivity, then “overall, real wealth would expand, and our society would become more vibrant. (p. 75)”
My initial response is, “Duh!” Of course government actions don’t reward productivity; they aren’t intended to! Increasing productivity is not government’s job. Government’s job is to look out for those euphemistically defined “negative externalities” that the business realm produces, things like the demise of the family farm. Now, whether saving the family farm is a worthy object of public policy is a matter for debate beyond my realm of expertise, but the intention seems obvious enough. Those who have implemented the policy feel that the social value of preserving the farming way of life is worth the decline in productivity. Everyone knows that mega-corporate farms are more efficient. But efficiency is not the only thing that makes society “more vibrant.”
This issue of the role of government in either tempering or spurring business growth relates to a concept I’ve been thinking about as I’ve watched the current government’s frantic response to an economy in a serious recession. On a number of recent occasions (bailouts for auto manufacturers in particular) I’ve been surprised by the tacit belief in trickle-down economics implied by the Democrats’ arguments. For the sake of the employees and
Examining my incredulity, I realized that to a certain extent I’ve always thought of leftists as more laissez-faire than the conservatives, ironically enough. I thought leftists shared my position that increasing productivity is not the government’s job. That, instead, government’s role is to look out for those things to which the market does not tend well—poor people, the environment, schoolchildren, etc. By implication, then, if the government is not responsible for productivity and economic growth, it must be because business is able to take care of itself. Even to take care of itself well enough to absorb some productivity drains in the name of social welfare, environmental protection, or education. I always assumed that if there were corporate favors to be doled out, they would come from the other side of the aisle, although always carefully shielded by a rhetoric of government detachment.
Was I wrong? Now, I realize my characterization of Democrats shows a certain naiveté about the pervasiveness of corporate influence in governmental affairs. But what I observed during that hearing, when UAW, GM and Congress were happily rub-a-dub-dub in the same bailout tub, was beyond shady campaign-contribution influence buying. Democrats weren’t even pretending that they didn’t want to act in the service of a multi-billion dollar multi-national. Was it always this way? Or is this some neo-liberal reversal? Was there a time (I’m imagining about 1912—Progressive Era heyday) when progressives really were as laissez-faire as I’ve always thought, and eager to do what they could to drain the corporate/conservative rub-a-dub tub?
Greg Blonder. Policy That Rewards Productivity. in Downey, Matthew. Contemporary’s Economics.

